Ajalugu Podcastid

Göbekli Tepe ajaskaala

Göbekli Tepe ajaskaala


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Salvestamata salapära: need linnad on tuhandete aastate jooksul ennustanud Vana -Egiptuse püramiide

Pilt iidsest Aleppo tsitadellist.

Täpne kuupäev, millal ilmus esimene püramiid Maal, on vaidluse all. Mõned ütlevad, et Egiptuse püramiidid on Maa vanimad. Djoser ’s Step Pyramid käivitas püramidomaania, mis tooks lõpuks välja mõned muljetavaldavamad püramiidid Maal. Teised ütlevad, et Brasiilias toimunud arheoloogiliste väljakaevamiste põhjal ilmusid vanimad püramiidid Lõuna -Ameerikasse rohkem kui 300 aastat enne Djoseri ’s sammupüramiidi. Kuid ajalugu on keeruline ja Maal on päris vanu struktuure.

Näiteks vanim mitmetonnine kiviehitus pärineb ajast, kui ajalooraamatud räägivad, et Maal ei olnud arenenud ühiskondi. Sellegipoolest näitavad arheoloogilised väljakaevamised tänapäeva Türgis Göbekli Tepe ’s kohas, et see pole nii. Rohkem kui 12 000 aastat tagasi ja viimase jääaja ajal kogunes tundmatute inimeste rühm saidile, mis on praegu suuresti pinna alla maetud ja püstitas rea muljetavaldavaid kivistruktuure.

Koha arheoloogilised uuringud on näidanud üle 200 kivisamba, mille keskmine kaal on umbes 10 tonni ja kõrgus vähemalt 6 meetrit. Seni on väljakaevamiste ja geoloogiliste uuringute käigus tuvastatud üle 15 keeruka kiviringi. Göbekli Tepe ’s ehituses kasutatud kivid kaaluvad 10, 20 kuni 50 tonni. See, kuidas 12 000 aastat tagasi selles maailmajaos elanud iidsetel inimestel õnnestus selliseid massiivseid kive kaevandada, transportida ja oma kohale tõsta, jääb sügav saladuseks.

Aerofoto Göbekli Tepe kiviringidest.


Varasem ellujäänud inimtegevuslik jumalateenistuskoht Sanliurfas Kagu-Türgis

Panoraamvaade lõunapoolsele kaeveväljale G & oumlbekli Tepe (Türgi).

G & oumlbekli Tepe (türgi keeles "Potbelly Hill"), mäepealne pühakoda, mis on püstitatud pikliku mäeharja kõrgeimasse punkti umbes 15 km kirdes Şanlıurfa linnast (endine Urfa / Edessa) Türgi kaguosas, on kõige varem säilinud inimtegevusest. jumalateenistuskoht ja varaseim säilinud religioosne paik üldiselt. See avastati 1964. aastal, 1994. aastal algasid väljakaevamised.

Selle saidi püstitasid jahimehed-kogujad 10. aastatuhandel e.m.a., enne üleminekut rändavatelt aladelt aastaringsele asulale. Koos Nevalı & Ccedilori, saidiga, mis pärineb üheksandalt või kümnendalt aastatuhandelt e.m.a., kuid mille uputas Eufrati paisutatud vesi, on G & oumlbekli Tepe muutnud Euraasia neoliitikumi mõistmist.

"G & oumlbekli Tepe peetakse arheoloogiliseks avastuseks, millel on kõige suurem tähtsus, kuna see muudab põhjalikult meie arusaama inimühiskonna arengu olulisest etapist. Tundub, et monumentaalsete komplekside püstitamine oli jahimeeste ja mitte ainult Teiste sõnadega, nagu ekskavaator Klaus Schmidt ütleb: "Kõigepealt tuli tempel, siis linn." Seda revolutsioonilist hüpoteesi peavad tulevased uuringud toetama või muutma "(Wikipedia artikkel G & oumlbekli Tepe kohta, vaadatud 05.05.2011).


Geomeetria juhendas varaseima teadaoleva templi ehitamist, mis ehitati 6000 aastat enne Stonehenge'i

Göbekli Tepe kompleksi arhitektuurilise planeerimise aluseks olev geomeetriline muster. Skeem, mis on paigutatud skemaatilisele plaanile. Krediit: Gil Haklay/AFTAU.

Türgis Kagu-Anatoolias laiuv 11 500 aastat vana kivist Göbekli Tepe kompleks on inimkonna ajaloo varaseim teadaolev tempel ja üks neoliitikumi uurimistöö olulisemaid avastusi.

Tel Avivi ülikooli ja Iisraeli antiigiameti teadlased on nüüd arhitektuurianalüüsi abil avastanud, et geomeetria andis teada Göbekli Tepe muljetavaldavate ümmarguste kivistruktuuride paigutusest ja tohutust paekivist sammaste koostest, mis nende sõnul olid esialgu kavandatud ühtse struktuurina.

Kolm Göbekli Tepe monumentaalset ümmargust konstruktsiooni, millest suurimad on 20 -meetrise läbimõõduga, kavandati esialgu ühe projektina, ütles teadur Gil Haklay Iisraeli antiigiametist, Ph.D. Tel Avivi ülikooli kandidaat ning TAU arheoloogia ja iidsete Lähis -Ida tsivilisatsioonide osakonna professor Avi Gopher. Nad kasutasid arvutialgoritmi, et jälgida nende korpuste ehitamisel osalenud arhitektuurseid projekteerimisprotsesse selles varajases neoliitikumis.

Nende leiud avaldati aastal Cambridge'i arheoloogiaajakiri maikuus.

"Göbekli Tepe on arheoloogiline ime," selgitab prof Gopher. "Ehitati neoliitikumi kogukondade poolt 11 500 kuni 11 000 aastat tagasi, sellel on tohutud ümarad kivikonstruktsioonid ja monumentaalsed kuni 5,5 meetri kõrgused kivist sambad. Kuna sel ajal puuduvad tõendid põllumajanduse või loomade kodustamise kohta, arvatakse, et see koht on ehitatud jahimeeste-korilaste poolt. Kuid selle arhitektuuriline keerukus on nende jaoks väga ebatavaline. "

Saksa arheoloog dr Klaus Schmidti poolt 1994. aastal avastatud Göbekli Tepe on sellest ajast peale olnud kuumade arheoloogiliste debattide objektiks. Kuid kuigi neid ja teisi varase neoliitikumi säilmeid on intensiivselt uuritud, ei ole nende perioodide arhitektuuriplaneerimise ja selle kultuuriliste tagajärgede küsimus seda teinud.

Göbekli Tepe, lisa C. Krediit: Gil Haklay/AFTAU.

Enamik uurijaid on väitnud, et Göbekli Tepe aiad põhikaevamisalal ehitati aja jooksul. Haklay ja prof Gopher ütlevad aga, et kolm konstruktsiooni olid kavandatud ühe projektina ja ühtse geomeetrilise mustri järgi.

"Kompleksi paigutust iseloomustavad ruumilised ja sümboolsed hierarhiad, mis kajastavad muutusi vaimses maailmas ja sotsiaalses struktuuris," selgitab Haklay. "Oma uurimistöös kasutasime disaini reguleerinud geomeetrilise mustri tuvastamiseks analüütilist tööriista - standardhälbe kaardistamisel põhinevat algoritmi."

"See uuring tutvustab olulist teavet arhitektuuriplaneerimise varase arengu kohta Levantis ja maailmas," lisab prof Gopher. "See avab ukse selle saidi uutele tõlgendustele üldiselt ja selle megaliitiliste antropomorfsete sammaste olemusele."

Teatud planeerimisvõimalusi ja tavasid, nagu geomeetria kasutamine ja korruseplaanide koostamine, eeldati traditsiooniliselt, et need tekkisid palju hiljem kui ajavahemik, mille jooksul Göbekli Tepe ehitati-pärast seda, kui jahimehed-korilased muutusid umbes 10 500 toidutootjaks. aastaid tagasi. Nimelt on varajaste põllumeeste üks omadusi ristkülikukujulise arhitektuuri kasutamine.

"See varajase arhitektuuriplaneerimise juhtum võib olla näide kultuurimuutuste dünaamikast neoliitikumi algusperioodil," ütleb Haklay. "Meie tulemused näitavad, et selle aja jooksul toimunud suured arhitektuurilised ümberkujundamised, näiteks üleminek ristkülikukujulisele arhitektuurile, olid teadmistepõhised ülalt alla suunatud protsessid, mida viisid läbi spetsialistid.

"Kõige olulisemad ja põhilised arhitektuuriplaneerimise meetodid töötati Levantis välja hilisel epipaleoliitikumi perioodil Natufia kultuuri osana ja varase neoliitikumi perioodil. Meie uued uuringud näitavad, et arhitektuuriplaneerimise meetodid, abstraktsed disainieeskirjad ja organisatsioonimustrid kasutati juba sellel kujunemisperioodil inimkonna ajaloos. "

Järgnevalt kavatsevad teadlased uurida kogu Levanti teiste neoliitikumi alade arhitektuurilisi jäänuseid.


Vau, nüüd olen ma sinu peale kade! Ma nägin Goebekli Tepe fotosid ja lugesin selle kohta artikleid ja#8230, aga et tegelikult kohal olla. Kas sellel on veel maagiat? Või on see juba nagu stonehenge, vaid pelk turismiobjekt? Ma igatsen olla teel, väljas ja maailmas, kauged ja maagilised kohad peavad esmalt oma bakalaureusekraadi lõpetama ja araabia keel ei ole täpselt õpitav. Jätke imelised fotod ja anekdoodid tulemas!

Tänan teid kommentaari ja huvi eest minu ajaveebi vastu! Ma kogesin Göbekli Tepe'i vaikse (ja üsna maagilise) kohana võrreldes teiste saitidega, kus oleme käinud, ja mitte üldse nagu Stonehenge. Seni, kui see ei kuulu rahvusvahelisse turismiringkonda, olid külalised, keda kohtasime, kas kohalikud või tõsised arheoloogiahuvilised.
Mul on häbi tunnistada, et arvestades siin veedetud aega, ei räägi ma araabia keelt ega ka türgi keelt, kuid siiani oleme sellega hakkama saanud. Palju õnne BA -le ja loodan, et saate varsti teele.


Göbekli Tepe: sodiaagimärkide iidset päritolu?

Tähtkuju iidne päritolu on üks maailma suurtest saladustest. Tundub, et iga kord, kui tõmbame selle teema kohta uusi teadmisi, hakkavad meie vanad teooriad lahti hargnema ja ilmnevad uued teooriad. Kuigi uus teooria võib mõneks ajaks saada domineerivaks paradigmaks, asendatakse see sageli pärast järjekordset põnevat avastust. Tähtkuju ajalooga tegeleme tõeliselt iidse ajalooga, nii et selle leidmine on raske, kuid väljakutse teeb selle lõbusaks. Iga uus avastus muudab selle põnevamaks.

Koolis õpetatud ajalugu versus reaalne maailm

Kooliõpilaste õpikud kujutavad tavaliselt ajaloolisi sündmusi staatilisel ajajoonel. Lastele õpetatakse sellel ajajoonel teatavaid fakte muutumatuks ja nad peavad neid täpselt nii õpetama, kui nad tahavad õpetajalt “A ”. Reaalne maailm on palju segasem! See on hägune. See on äärtes udune. Ajalooline teadmine pole kunagi staatiline, see voolab ja keerleb. “algus ” asendatakse sageli uue algusega. Ja ajaloos on palju saladusi. Kui olete tõeotsija, aitab see teadmine teid paremini kui ükski staatiline ajalootund, mille kooliajal õppisite. Olge alati valmis dogmadest loobuma!

Oletame, et küsite oma sõbralt, kes tegeleb tõepoolest astroloogiaga, ja kes leiutas sodiaagimärgid? ” Ta võib vastata, “Kreeklased muidugi … leiutasid nad kõik. ” Teie sõber võib isegi öelda sina, et sõna “zodiac ” on kreekakeelne sõna, mis tähendab loomade ringi. see välja! ”

Aga kas teie amatöör -astroloogisõbral oli tegelikult õigus? Seda on ta võib -olla mitmest allikast lugenud, kuid ei, tegelikult mitte. Oletame, et teie ja teie sõber otsustate koos professionaalse astroloogi juurde minna. Vestluse käigus võite öelda, et mu sõber õpetas mulle, et kreeklased leiutasid sodiaagimärgid ja kui lahedad olid. ” õppisid seda egiptlastelt (ja tõenäoliselt foiniiklastelt), kes seda babüloonlastelt õppisid.

Seejärel võite olla põnevil, kui jagate oma uusi teadmisi oma raamatuklubi ajurullidega. Leiate viisi, kuidas need faktid iidse ajaloo kohta vestlusesse lisada. Rühma ajalooprofessor juhib tähelepanu sellele, et õpikud ei ulatu piisavalt kaugele ja sodiaagimärgid arendasid kõigepealt välja sumerid. Siis ütleb grupi arheoloog: "Noh, tegelikult me ​​arvame, et nüüd läheb see kaugemale ja … palju kaugemale! ”

Ajalooprofessoril on hämmastunud nägu. Ta kummardub ette ja ütleb: “Räägi mulle rohkem! ”

Jah, kallis professor, palun rääkige meile rohkem.

Mis on Göbekli Tepe ja miks see nii eriline on?

Göbekli Tepe on lihtsalt üks hämmastavamaid arheoloogilisi avastusi, mis eales tehtud! See avastati või pigem avastati uuesti Türgi lõunaosas Süüria piiri lähedal 1994. aastal. Seda nähti tegelikult esimest korda aastakümneid varem, kuid seda peeti keskaegsest hauaplatsiks ja mitte arheoloogiliseks prioriteediks. pole uuritud sügavamal ülemiste kihtide all. Göbekli Tepe osutub aga palju enamaks ja on oluline kogu meie arusaama jaoks sellest, kuidas tsivilisatsioon tegelikult alguse sai.

Göbekli Tepe on suuruse, keerukuse ja näilise kasutuse poolest suursugusemaid templeid. Sellel on vähemalt kakssada massiivset T-kujulist samba, mis on paigutatud kahekümne või enama ringi või ovaali sisse. Need sambad kaalusid kuni kümme tonni ja olid kahekümne jala kõrgused. Need olid täpselt maapinnale paigaldatud. Neil olid peenelt keerulised nikerdused ja graveeringud! Spoileri hoiatus: akadeemiliste meeskondade hoolika uurimise järel näivad need nikerdused ja gravüürid väga täpselt kujutavat tähtkujusid, planeete ja muid funktsioone, mida oleks sel ajal öises taevas selles täpses kohas näha olnud. Ja … nikerdused ja graveeringud näitavad tõendeid sodiaagimärkide ja astroloogia mõistmisest.

Kuid see läheb veelgi paremaks ja#8230 seda hämmastavat templit EI ehitatud keskajal! See ehitati palju varem!

Saidi radiosüsinik pärineb umbes kümnest tuhandest aastast eKr. See tutvumine koos muude tõenditega tõestab, et selle suure templi ehitasid jahimehed ja kogujad, mitte põllumehed ja mitte inimesed, kes elasid põllumajandusega seotud linnades! Tseremoonialistel pidudel söödud ja süvenditesse maetud loomade luude ning liha puhastamiseks ja küpsetamiseks kasutatud tööriistade analüüs tõestab selgelt, et tegemist oli ümbruskonnas elanud metsloomadega. Neid küttisid jahimehed ja kogujad ning seejärel toodi kohale. Arheoloog, kes avastas saidi uuesti ja tunnistas selle tähtsust, nimetas luude kokkupanekut kiviaja loomaaiaks.

Göbekli Tepe avastus on pannud ajaloolased ja arheoloogid täielikult ümber hindama seda, mida nad on pikka aega tõeks pidanud. Nad arvasid, et põllumajanduspraktika viis inimesed kokku ühtsetesse üksustesse (varased linnad) ja SIIS ehitati templid, palvekohad. Tegelikult polnud ükski akadeemik vähemalt professionaalselt isegi ette kujutanud, et nii keerulise templi võisid ehitada jahimehed ja korilased. Akadeemikud olid alati eeldanud, et sellise ehitamiseks kulub tsivilisatsiooni ehk põllumajanduslinnade kujunemine. Mõni naudib nüüd arusaama, et jahimees ja korilased elasid osa aastast tegelikult väikestes külades või linnades.

Göbekli Tepe näis olevat kohtumispaik, kuhu paljud inimesed kogunesid astroloogiliselt olulistel päevadel, nagu suve- ja talvised pööripäevad ning kevadised ja sügisesed pööripäevad. Tundus, et seal oli kombinatsioon tõsistest tegevustest ja mõnest pidustamisest. Göbekli Tepe kuulub nüüd ka UNESCO maailmapärandi nimistusse.

Tähtkuju järeldused

Kas Göbekli Tepe mõtles välja sodiaagimärgid? Võib olla. Kindlasti tundub, et Göbekli Tepe sambaid kasutati tõenäoliselt taevaste taevakehade jälgimiseks. Seal on lõvi, skorpioni ja härja üksikasjalikud nikerdused, mis vastavad Lõvi, Skorpioni ja Sõnni sodiaagimärkidele. Graveeringutel on ka muid vihjeid, mis viitavad nendele nikerdustele, mis toimivad sodiaagimärkidena. Sodiaagimärke võivad esindada ka teised nikerdused, sealhulgas 13. sodiaagimärk.


Göbekli Tepe ajaskaala - ajalugu

Göbekli Tepe

21 km kaugusel Şanlıurfa kesklinnast kukutas Göbekli Tepe avastus kõik, mida olime teadnud tsivilisatsiooni ajaloost. Arvatakse, et Göbekli Tepe on ehitatud 10 000 eKr, üks maailma vanimaid monumentaalseid templeid.

Göbekli Tepe, mis asub Germüşi mägikettide lääneküljel, avastati esmakordselt 1960ndatel, kuid selle tähtsust on tunnustatud alles tänu 1995. aastal alanud väljakaevamistele. Göbekli Tepe tõestab, et meie jahi- ja kogumisvanematel oli palju keerulisemad uskumused, organisatsioonilised vormid ja tehnoloogiad, kui me arvasime.

Hiljem selgus, et Göbekli Tepe ei olnud kaetud looduslike tingimuste, vaid inimeste endi tõttu. See ei ole asustuspiirkond ega nekropol. Sest pole veel tõendeid selle kohta, et inimkond oleks sinna asustatud või maetud.

Kõigepealt tuli usk

Nagu ütles väljakaevamiste juht Klaus Schmidt, lõpetas Göbekli Tepe mitmesugused tsivilisatsiooni ajalooga seotud teooriad. Enne Göbekli Tepet arvati, et jahimeeste ja kogujate esivanemad asusid elama seemnekultuuride ja põllumajandusrevolutsiooni toimumise tõttu, seega tekkis vajadus organiseerimise järele ja ilmnesid seltskonnad. Seetõttu oli vaja aupaklikku, kes suunas seda kogukonda eesmärgi poole, sõdurit, kes kaitses kogukonda, ning tööjõudu ja talupoegi, kes töötasid ja tootsid põllumajandust ja karjakasvatust.

Kui aga Göbekli Tepe ehitati aastal 10 eKr, oli maailm veel paleoliitikumi ajastul, inimesed olid jahimehed-kogujad, kõige kaasaegsem tehnoloogiline tööriist oli neoliitikum ja ainus kodustatud lemmikloom oli koerad. Seemnete valimine, kasvatamine ja põllumajandustegevus algasid umbes sel ajal.

Göbekli Tepe näitas, et inimestel oli enne asumist ja klassikorraldust uskumusi. Göbekli Tepe on uskumuse nimel ehitatud tempel ja kogunemiskoht. Teisisõnu, enne kõike tuli usk.

Göbekli Tepe kohal on 20 ellipsikujulist veergu, 2 keskel ja 12 veergu ümber, mis kaaluvad 4–7 tonni. On olemas selliseid loomakujusid nagu rebane, lõvi / leopard, metssiga, onagers, aurochs, ämblik, madu, kraana, pardi / punakas karjakas, kiilas ibis on reljeefne ja kujundid sarnased võrguvõrguga. Lisaks on ka kõhu kohal ühendatud H- ja S -sümbolid ning käe- ja käsivarrekujundused.

Kuna tol ajal puudusid metallitööriistad, valmistati kõik need tööriistad kõvema neoliitikumi kivide vormimise teel. Need veerud toodi Göbekli Tepele pärast nende lõikamist 500 meetri kaugusel asuvas karjääris. Selle aja jahimehed ja kogujad pidid selle saavutamiseks tõsiselt organiseeruma.

Göbekli Tepe on oma ajalooga, mis ulatub tagasi eKr 9600 -ndatesse aastatesse, 6100 aastat vanem kui Ggantija tempel Maltal, 6600 aastat vanem kui Stonehenge Ühendkuningriigis ja 7100 aastat vanem kui Egiptuse püramiidid.

Muutes tsivilisatsiooni ajalugu, maailma vanimat monumentaalset struktuuri, kutsub Göbekli Tepe teie nime, et uurida inimeste ja teie enda salapärast ajalugu.


Hävitamine ja taaskasutamine

Kõik III taseme korpused täideti enne II taseme ehitust. On ebaselge, miks seda tehti, kuid tundub, et III taseme struktuuride teadlik ‘ kasutusest kõrvaldamine ’ toimub, kuna mõned sambad olid kahjustatud või liigutatud organiseeritud ja kontrollitud viisil, samas kui mõned sambad näivad olevat täielikult eemaldatud. Väikesed esemed jäid alles ja kujud jäid alles kohapeal aga kukutatud. Mõned korpuse C sammaste tipud on täielikult katki.

Tervete kesksammaste tippudel on nikerdatud tassitaolised süvendid. Tundub, et kui maandusid III taseme struktuurid, jäid maapinnast kõrgemale vaid tipud ja need tassitaolised lohud nikerdati pärast matmist.

Taaskord on selle eesmärk spekulatiivne, kuid tõotuste või küünalde anumad on mõistlik soovitus. II taseme ehitamise ja kasutamise tõttu kasutasid inimesed seda saiti selgelt ja oleksid teadlikud maetud aedikutest, mille tipud ulatuvad veidi üle pinna, mis on tõestus seisvate kivide esilekutsumisest. Samuti on mõistlik järeldada, et kuigi iidsed aedikud olid maetud, mängisid nad siiski omamoodi rolli nende inimeste rituaalses elus, kes jätkasid siin ehitamist ja kogunemist.

Üks ei saa olla absoluutselt täpne, kuid tundub, et III tase, algne ehitus umbes 9500 eKr, maeti etappide kaupa pärast sadu aastaid kestnud kasutamist. Korpuste täitmiseks kasutatud materjali sisu on tohutu kõvade andmete allikas. Täitematerjali koostis on lihtsalt jahipidamisel, toidu valmistamisel ja tarbimisel tekkinud jäätmed, mis on segatud täiteainega, mis hõlmas ehitusjääke, kivitöötlust, tuhandeid tulekiviga tööriistu ja tööriistade valmistamise jäänuseid. Saak räägib meile nende inimeste kohta mõned olulised asjad. Arheoloogi põhilise tutvumisvahendi, keraamika puudumisel saab tööriistu ise kasutada laia kultuuri- ja kronoloogilise konteksti loomiseks, kus teiste saitide andmeid saab kasutada ligikaudsete kuupäevade koostamiseks.

II tase on teistsugune keskkond nii kontseptuaalselt kui ka kunstiliselt. On ilmne, et ühiskonnas ja kultuuris toimuvad olulised muutused, kuid olulised kultuurimärgid jäävad alles. Korpuse ruumid on palju väiksemad ja palju tagasihoidlikumad, samas kui kaunistused on lihtsamad ja teostatakse vähem oskustega. Neid on ka palju rohkem ja need on ehitatud peaaegu konkureerivate põrandaplaanide segaduses, III taseme kohal ja mõnikord ka III taseme lõikamisel. Need on kindlasti tunduvalt vähem ambitsioonikad monumentaalsed kui varem. Võimalik, et see on ühiskond, mis on III tasemega end majanduslikult ja vaimselt ammendanud. See võib olla tõendiks üleminekuperioodist enne Göbekli Tepe hülgamist ja väljakujunenud ühiskondade arengut, näiteks Konya tasandikul Çatalhöyükis, mis pärineb umbes 7500 eKr.

Üks Göbekli Tepe templitest, mis leiti äsja ehitatud katte alt. (umbes 10 000 eKr). / AHE, Creative Commons

Kui aga spekulatsioonid kõrvale jätta, on neist nüüd tagasihoidlikumatest ristkülikukujulistest korpustest kõige keerukam niinimetatud "lõvihoone", mis on tuvastatud ühe selle põhikivi nikerdamisega. Tõenäoliselt on see endiselt puhtalt kultuslik või religioosne paik, kus puuduvad kodused tõendid, kuid korpused on väikesed ja meenutavad paljuski kodumajapidamisi teistes kohtades, nagu Nevali Çori. Võib juhtuda, et majanduslikud ja kultuurilised muutused kajastuvad siinsetes ehitusmustrites.

Aastal 2013/14 CE avastasid arheoloogid teise aia, Enclosure ‘H ja#8217 umbes 250 m kaugusel algsetest III taseme kaevamistest ja teisel pool mäge loodesse. Seda nimetatakse ‘Põhja -Lääne depressiooniks ja#8217 ning esmapilgul tundub see peaaegu peegeldavat olemasolevat kaevamist. Samuti on sellel III tasemel ehitatud korpusel ovaalse kujuga heas suuruses keskne steel. Nagu C-korpuse puhul, tunduvad metssea kujutised silmapaistvad. Aed, nagu kõik teisedki, maeti pärast selle kasulikku eluiga. Kuid keegi, nagu ka korpuse C puhul, võttis aega ja vaeva, et kaevata kaev, leida keskmised seisvad kivid ... ja hävitada üks (teine ​​ootab veel uurimist).

Miks? Ilmselgelt ühendavad korpused C ja H ning võib -olla veel avastamata korpused disain (ovaalsed ja ligipääsetava trepiga), tase (vanus) ja kunstiteos, kuid ennekõike on need kaks korpust ühendatud identsete rüvetamistega kaua pärast korpuste matmist!

See totemikuju leiti Göbekli Tepe objektilt Sanliurfa lähedal Türgis. Göbekli Tepe sait on vanim inimtegevusest leitud jumalateenistuspaik, mis pärineb 10 000 eKr. Tsivilisatsiooni hällist leitud Göbekli Tepe on kujundanud ümber arheoloogide arusaama religioonist ja kultuurist neoliitikumil ja eelajaloolisel ajastul. / AHE, Creative Commons

Need rüvetamistoimingud viitavad mitmetele võimalikele stsenaariumidele, millest ükski ei pruugi teisi välistada. On selge, et korpuste matmine III tasandile ja II taseme konstruktsioonimuudatuste areng viitavad nende struktuuride elutsükli lõppemisele ning poliitiliste ja majanduslike, kuigi mitte kultuuriliste või religioossete põhialuste muutumisele. Küsimus tahtlikust, sihipärasest ja suurest hävitamisest aedades, kuid saidi jätkuv kasutamine viitab veendumuste järjepidevusele pikka aega, kuid oluliste muutustega selles erakordses kohas esindatud ühiskonna võimu dünaamikas.


Muistsed tulnukad

Kui iidsed tulnukad Maad külastasid, kas nende olemasolu kohta võib leida tõendeid salapärastest struktuuridest, mis on endiselt püsti kogu maailmas? Seletamatul kombel on erinevatel mandritel leiduvad megaliitstruktuurid silmatorkavalt sarnased ning nende suurepäraste saavutuste ehitamiseks kasutatud massiivsete kivide lõikamine ja liigutamine oleks võitlus tänapäeva masinate, rääkimata iidsest inimesest. Vanad astronautiteoreetikud väidavad, et Prantsusmaal Carnacis seisvaid kive kasutati iidsete lendavate masinate iidse GPS -süsteemina. Hiljuti Türgis avastatud Gobekli Tepe'il, mille vanus on 12 000 aastat, on peenelt peenestatud sambad, mida eksperdid kirjeldavad kui Noa ’s kivi kivi. Kas on võimalik, et maavälised abistasid ürginimest nende seletamatute struktuuride ehitamisel? Kui jah, siis mis oli nende suurte projektide eesmärk?


Göbekli Tepe: põllumajanduse tõus, nomadi langemine

Inimene sündis rändloomaks. Üle 100 000 aasta kõndisime üle suurte Savannade, tegime teed läbi džunglite, telkisime Arktika tundras ning jahtisime ja otsisime toitu selle planeedi metsades. Siis, veidi rohkem kui 10 000 aastat tagasi - meie liigi ajajoonel -, hakkasime kotte maha panema, püsivustundega oma varjualuseid ehitama ja hakkasime oma ümbruskonnas vilju ja loomi kasvatama. See suur sündmus, võib -olla suurim muutus inimese kultuurilises arengus, juhtus suure templi ümber, mida nüüd nimetatakse Göbekli Tepeks Kagu -Türgis.

Inimkonda otsides kaotasid rändajate mineviku

Võib tunduda irooniline, kui rändur satub inimkonna esmase istumisjuhtumi kohale, kuid ma nägin selles loos midagi, mis viib minu enda rahutuse, vaieldamatu rändamise juurteni.

Gobekli Tepe arheoloogiapaik

Mind on huvitanud sügavalt juurdunud rändavad tungid, mis näivad endiselt uinuvat inimese genoomi ehituskivide sees juba oma algusest peale. Mis pani mind reisima? Mis oli see tung, mis pani mind paari kuu pärast kohas rahutuks kasvama? Miks ma tahtsin hanedele järgneda ja aastaaegadega kaasa joosta? Milline oli selle lakkamatu sõidu üle maa rändamise anatoomia? Pärast peaaegu kaheteistkümneaastast rännakut ei ole ma neile küsimustele vastamisele veel lähemal, kuid mulle tundub, et üleminekuperiood ajast, mil inimesed olid peamiselt rändajad-jahimehed ja istuvad põllumehed, on suur tee selle ajastu mõistatuse lahtimõtestamiseks. .

Läksin otsima oma liigi kadunud rändjuuri just sellesse maailma piirkonda, kus nad esimest korda sängitati: viljakas poolkuu. Seal oli vahepealne geograafia, mis ulatus Vahemerest peaaegu kogu Pärsia laheni, Anatoolia mägismaalt kuni Süüria kõrbeni, mis oli kunagi nii eluslooduse, erinevate ökosüsteemide ja rikkalike muldadega, et sellest sai häll. inimtsivilisatsiooni - koht, kus rändajatest said linnaehitajad. Just siin töötas Homo sapiens välja kultuurilised ja tehnoloogilised mehhanismid, mis võimaldasid neil ehitada suuri templeid ja hiljem talupidamist, saada istuvaks külaelanikuks ja lõpuks ehitada suuri linnu.

Just selles piirkonnas tekkis konflikt Kaini ja Aabeli vahel. Lugu ütleb, et talunik Kain sai kadedaks, et tema rändav vend, karjane Abel, sai Jumalalt eeliskohtlemist, mistõttu ta tappis ta. Seda peetakse sageli vanema Sumaria loo periskoobiks, mis kujutab endast istuvuse suurenemist nomaadluse ees. Kindlasti ei toimunud see muutus inimeste elustrateegiates - väidetavate alaliste maaõiguste nõudmine rände vastu - ilma konfliktideta. Niisiis läksin maale, kus Aabel kord rändas ja Kain ükskord maa peal rügas, et proovida enda jaoks kokku panna inimeste rahutuse lugu.

Maailma esimesele templile

„Kõigepealt tuli tempel, seejärel linn,” rääkis dr. Kui otsisin inimkonna jahimeeste kogunemise minevikku, avastasin, et sõitsin väikese halli autoga mäe alusele, millel see suurepärane arheoloogiapaik asub, 15 km kaugusel Sanliurfast, Türgist.

Göbekli Tepe on tõepoolest üks kõige murrangulisemaid arheoloogiaobjekte, mida praegu planeedil uuritakse, ning viimase 17 aasta jooksul avastatud leiud kirjutavad sõna otseses mõttes ümber tsivilisatsiooni tekkimise raamatu, aga ka akna, mille kaudu saab vaadata inimkonna esialgseid istumisfaase.

"See on mõte, et pühakoda võib asundustest varem olla või vähemalt samal ajal," jätkas Schmidt, kui pöörasime kiirteele Sanliurfast väljapoole, "aga meil pole linnu, linnad arenevad palju hiljem kui tempel. Lähis -Ida arheoloogiast võib sageli lugeda sellest, kuidas linnad olid algul arenenud ja seejärel linnades [tehti] esimesed templid, kuid see pole tõsi: tempel ja linn on väga eraldiseisvad. Templid on väga -väga varakult, need said alguse paleoliitikumi ajastul näiteks maalitud koobastega. Nüüd on meil Göbekli Tepes tõestus, et neid inimese loodud struktuure kasutati rituaalideks ja religiooniks. Seega on tempel palju varem kui linn. ”

"Nii et tempel oli liim, fookuspunkt, mis inimesi kokku viis?" Küsisin professor Schmidtilt.

"Jah, fookuspunkt," vastas ta, "platvorm inimestele kohtumiseks ja suhtlemiseks ning teadmiste ja lugude jagamiseks ning rääkimiseks. Need olid väga olulised sotsiaalsed kohad. ”

Klaus jätkas pildi andmist sellest, kuidas paleoliitikumi jahimehed-kogujad pidutsemisteks Göbekli Tepele lähenesid, kui me kiirteelt maha pöörasime ja mööda kitsast mustust ja kruusateed kaugele väljaulatuva mäe poole teele asusime. Klaus peatas peagi sõiduki edasiliikumise, et saaksin täielikult enda ees sündmuskohale asuda. “Paekiviplatoo tunned ära ja paekiviplatoo peal on see maamägi, küngas. Kõik on kunstlik, see pole loodus. See on asulamägi. ”

Vaatasin välja kohta, mille nimi tähendab “potikõhumäge”, ja väikest pinnaseteed, mis külgmist mööda üles kulges. Tundus, et Anatoolia tasandikul kukkus välja hiiglaslik põõsas. Täpselt sama efekti saavutamisel keris Klaus mootori taas üles ja me roomasime aeglaselt hiiglasliku rindu tippu. Minu põnevus tõusis: olin seal, inimeste istuva eluviisi nullpunktis, kohas, kus rändavad jahimehed-korilased said tsiviliseeritud põllumeesteks.

Göbekli Tepe on ajaline uks, mis ületab lõhe Abeli ​​tasuta rändluspäevade ja Kaini põllumajandusliku vaeva vahel. This was the stage upon which the wandering hunting and gathering act of humanity first began its great close. The times surrounding Göbekli Tepe are still vaguely remembered in the collective folklore of humanity’s deep past. In ancient Sumarian tradition there are stories about a mythical mountain dwelling in the north called Du-Ku, where grain was first sowed, animals domesticated, and weaving was invented: the rise of farming and the fall of human migration. There is a good chance that the colossal events which surrounded this place were passed down through the ages to be remembered as folklore, with each subsequent culture manipulating the stories to fit their own paradigm of history. I grasped each story as handholds and climbed back through time to the beginning of civilization, to the place where it may have all began: Göbekli Tepe.

I asked Klaus about the rumors that the site he is excavating very well could be the actual place the Garden of Eden story was rooted. He huffed quickly, and replied that he was misquoted by an unscrupulous journalist. “It is a picture [Göbekli Tepe being the Garden of Eden], it was used as a picture and later there was a misuse of this picture. The climatic conditions here were like paradise for hunters and gatherers. They were living in a situation like paradise, but there is no connection to the Garden of Eden. Adam and Eve had been thrown out of this garden, but it is not describing a natural condition. There is no connection between Eden in the Old Testament and Göbekli Tepe.”

Neolithic Life at Göbekli Tepe

The first incarnati on of Göbekli Tepe broke ground roughly 12,000 years ago, and for the next three thousand years people used it for great ceremonies and feasts. “It is a little bit surprising because we expected for this period that the people had been living in very simple social conditions, but now it is looking very different,” Schmidt explained how a high level of social organization must have been needed to build such a massive site. Schmidt estimates that it must have taken work teams of hundreds of people to construct Göbekli Tepe throughout each of its various stages, and the organization needed to feed, house, and assign tasks to this large of a work crew hints that early Neolithic society was vastly more complex than archaeologists previously assumed.

As I walked around the site I could hear the crunching sound of flaked flint coming from beneath my feet. On the ground were thousands of pieces of flint discarded thousands of years ago in the manufacture of stone tools, along with some of the tools themselves. Trained as an archaeologist, I began instinctively focusing my eyes on the array of artifacts that were passing beneath my feet, identifying blades, choppers, utilized flakes, among other primitive stone implements.

“Millions, millions,” Klaus spoke when I mentioned the profusion of artifacts that laid all over the mound. “Of all the archaeologists visiting this site everyone says ‘I never saw such a mound of flint.’“ In the USA, finding such a cache of artifacts alone could have made an archaeologist’s career, but here at Göbekli Tepe there was bigger competition for the researcher’s attention, and the little stone tools that momentarily held my intrigue all of a sudden fell towards insignificance when I saw the site’s main attractions.

Down in a ten foot excavation pit, giant T-shaped monoliths arranged in circle formations broke through the ages and into the present. Twelve great T-shaped monoliths stood in a circle around two even larger T-shaped monoliths. Each giant pillar was carved from a single piece of stone, stood up to ten feet high, and weighed between seven and ten tons (2). The excavation teams have now uncovered four such rings of megaliths, spanning between 30 and 100 feet in diameter. Geomagetic surveys show that there are at least 16 other such rings still buried beneath Göbekli Tepe, which itself is around 1,000 feet from end to end and rises over 50 from the plateau. Around these rings were once walls, and there may have even been some ceilings. These rings of stone giants obviously mark the site of major events in prehistory.

What was most striking about these giant monoliths is that they are intricately carved with predatory animals and birds — lions, foxes, vultures, ducks, and mystical beasts. What is even more interesting is that in addition to the animals reliefs which don the pillars, the very pillars themselves have human forms. “You see in the front,” Klaus pointed towards a particularly tall pillar, “there are fingers. So we know that this T-shape is an anthropomorphic shape. They are all anthropomorphic beings made of stone. It is strange that there are no eyes, no nose, no mouth.”

I looked at the giants and could see the human forms clearly: hands stretched out at the sides of most of the pillars, representing a vital element of the ceremonial site. “Now one can understand the layout,” Klaus continued, “They [the giants] are meeting here in a circle, and two very important ones are in the center of the meeting. Like people sitting in a tent or around a fire.”

Animal carvings on monoliths at Gobekli Tepe

Göbekli Tepe was beginning to take on a new light before me. This was not an archaeological site made for utilitarian purposes, but one that was made for mystical, spiritual, and religious practices and celebrations. This site represents not only lost ways of living, but also lost ways of seeing and approaching the world. The carved reliefs of predatory animals along with the giant anthropomorphic pillars show that the hunting and gathering bands that once walked through this part of the world had highly complex social and spiritual systems, a finely worked worldview that extended beyond the basic hunt for survival and into the realm of the spiritual.

“Göbekli Tepe is the oldest site, but it is clearly not a settlement site. It is a site for sanctuary,” Klaus clarified to make sure that I did not harbor notions that people were actually living here. “They [hunter-gatherers] would come back to the site, meet at the site, then go back to their settlements,” he continued. For 3,000 years people would converge upon Göbekli Tepe and feast, party, make tools, carve predators, birds, and mythological beast into giant megaliths, and worship. These were people who had not yet invented pottery nor did they use any form of metallurgy. Rather, they would laboriously shape their huge stone pillars and make their intricate carvings using the simplest of stone tools, remnants of which I was stepping upon as I walked on the mound.

Ultimately, Schmidt believes that there are burials to be found beneath Göbekli Tepe. He hypothesizes that it was a holy site for ancestor worship or for ceremonies surrounding a death cult. “Monumentality in prehistoric and historic times is always associated with graves,” he stated. The vultures that are depicted in the megaliths are indications of the site’s role as a place associated with the dead, and, perhaps, excarnation — where the deceased are offered to birds of prey to be eaten in a form of sky burial. Klaus makes assumptions that the dead of the hunter gatherer communities would be taken up the mound to the temple at Göbekli Tepe to be laid to rest. Although only flecks of human bone have been found to date, Schmidt predicts that there are complete burials beneath the limestone floors, at the feet of the stone giants.

“What was the environment like then, was it the same as today?” I asked Klaus while looking out into a grey sky as my feet sank a little into ground.

“The climate was like today, but the landscape was looking very different,” he responded. “Now there are too many sheep and goat and people.” Klaus then told me that this area — the northern reaches of the Fertile Crescent — was an intermediary span of geography in between seas and deserts, plateaus, plains, and mountains. By traveling relatively short distances you could find yourself in very different landscapes that had very different flora and fauna. “There were forests here in the plains, and savanna like landscapes in the plateaus,” the archaeologist continued. “The animal bones at Göbekli Tepe show wild cattle, wild pig, deer, as well as gazelles and wild ass who like savanna.” The remains of animals from various climatic settings found their ways to Göbekli Tepe where they became meals for Neolithic huntergatherers. “For hunter gatherers, it was a very perfect surrounding. Good for hunting,” Klaus continue.

In this place that had a perfect ecosystem for their lifestyle, Neolithic hunter-gatherers began experimenting with other living strategies. Perhaps out of a need to continue fueling societies that were ever growing more complex and the massive public works projects that gave life to Göbekli Tepe, the hunter-gatherers began reeling in the reigns of control they held at their fingertips, and they eventually began cultivating grain and beast. Göbekli Tepe shows that the early Neolithic peoples were vastly more organized and their societies more structured that anybody could have predicted, and my free wandering nomad visions were quickly giving way to a reality.

The Advent of Agriculture

Gobekli Tepe under excavation

“Here in the north, it’s the heart of the Fertile Crescent,” Klaus spoke as he pointed out across the hills of the Karacadag range off in the distance from the summit of Göbekli Tepe. “The origins of domesticated wheat can be traced to exactly here in this region.”

I looked out across the great plains and hills that dotted the landscape. “Here,” I repeated softly to myself, “it all ended here.” I thought of my now extinct nomadic brethren, real life Prometheus who knew not where their innovations would lead 10,000 years after their creation. Nevalý Çori, 64km northwest of Göbekli Tepe, is currently known as the first place in the world where wheat was cultivated on a large scale. Nestled in the Karacadag Mountains, Neolithic people began manipulating strands of wild wheat as their lifestyle began to change.

The area around Göbekli Tepe eventually became the heart of the Neolithic Revolution, the place where humans first shifted from hunting and gathering to farming. “The origins of domesticated wheat,” Schmidt spoke, “can be traced exactly here to this region. All the cultivated wheat has some fingerprints which match the fingerprint that the wild forms of wheat have in this region. Now it is
getting quite clear that the same people who were building Göbekli Tepe were the same people who were domesticating the wheat,” Klaus continued. “There is lots of equipment for grinding here, so they processed the wild cereals here, it is clear.”

“Why do you think people started domesticating crops?” I asked Klaus.

“Why? It’s a big question,” he replied as we walked around to another area of the excavation. “Why? Miks? I don’t know why, but now we have the idea that maybe Göbekli Tepe had some part in this event, that it played an important role. It is still a hypothesis, but [with so many] people gathering at Göbekli Tepe they now had other needs for their food supply, and maybe they are managing and manipulating the natural strands of grasses for cereals and animals like cattle and pig, sheep and goat, and starting this domestication to have more influence on their food supply. . . There had been big feasting at the site during the construction, so the hunter gatherers were coming here for a big feast, a big party, and this party provided the manpower to do all this work, but, of course, for this feasting you need a lot of food . . . ”

Grain grinding slab at Gobekli Tepe

“So the people who built Göbekli Tepe came here and partied while building?” I wanted to confirm.

“Domestication had originally been in connection with feasting,” Klaus clarified. “So the feasting and the need for a good food supply were influencing the domestication. So now we need very good food, we need the cereals, we need a lot of the cereals and so on.”

Certainly, Göbekli Tepe and the cultivation of wheat in the region were contemporaneous and the evidence suggests that they were parts of the same cycle: one impacting the other, and, perhaps, vice versa. Klaus went on to describe how he hypothesizes that the transition from hunting and gathering to agriculture was a “full scale revolution,” where large bands of people worked together to protect their newly cultivated wheat from intruding animals, such as gazelles and wild donkeys. Eventually, Göbekli Tepe was not just being used by hunter-gatherers, but by farmers, and Klaus feels that the site had a large role in the transition.

Agriculture Possibly Arose for Beer, Not Food

Vat that was possibly used for beer production

Klaus then paused for a moment, looking out from our perch on Göbekli Tepe far of into the distance. I stood beside him sharing the view. Klaus then shared with me a new hypothesis for the impetus behind the advent of agriculture:

“You can use it [grain] for food, and you can also use it for beer,” he explained. “There are now ideas that the beginning of cereal domestication was not so much in connection with bread and with food, but with beer making, for brewing. It is easy to do it, it is not like our beer, all you need is water and if let to stand in some container it will start to produce alcohol. So maybe it was beer making at the beginning.”

I had to laugh. Neolithic hunter-gatherers climbing up to the temple to party, build giant monoliths, knap ornate flint tools, feasting on a variety of meats, all while getting rip roaring drunk seemed a little too perfect.

“Now it is fitting better with the picture of the party,” Klaus joined me in laughter, “for the big party at the mound you need some drinks.”

The Effects of Agriculture, The Fall of Göbekli Tepe

“Do you feel as if agriculture is an inherently destructive act?” I asked the German archaeologist.

“The people around 8,000 years ago, I think maybe they liked agriculture very much because they had a good food supply,” Klaus replied and then paused for a moment. “But if you look at today you see all the destruction of the earth, it started with the invention of agriculture.”

After the Neolithic Revolution, when the people surrounding Göbekli Tepe became full time farmers, the new pillars at Göbekli Tepe began to shrink in size, and then, eventually, the site fizzled away into obscurity. “In this period of the 9th millennium everything is reduced,” Klaus confirmed. “In 8,000 BC, everything is abandoned. The people had become farmers. I suppose there is a clear connection between the end of Göbekli Tepe and the people who became
farmers. The complete society had been changed and the belief system had been changed, and a site for hunter-gathers was no longer very important for the people who abandoned it, but it was not a destruction, it was just an end.”

The 10,000 Year Explosion

In the interplay of human evolution, 10,000 years is but a bat of the eye, but in the past 10,000 years the cultural and biological patterns of Homo Sapiens greatly increased their rates of change and adaption (1). In the past 10,000 years the human genome began mutating at a 10 to 100 times faster rate than in all times that preceded this era1. There was no such thing as blue eyes ten millennia ago, neither were there white people, lactose tolerance, resistance to many communicable diseases, nor even many of these diseases themselves. As far as archaeology is concerned, 10,000 years ago contains almost everything: there were no civilizations before then, neither were there even cities, and the pyramids of Giza and Stonehenge were not even thought of until six thousand years later. A lot happened in the past 10,000 years, not just in human culture but also biology, and much of this was sparked directly by the advent of agriculture, which, not surprisingly, was first practiced on a large scale roughly 10,000 years ago.

Sedentarization and agriculture did not initially prove to humanity’s biological benefit either, as the archaeological record shows a stark change in human stature during its initial phases. The early farmers — probably depleted of iron and not yet able to digest milk — became shorter and their brains slightly atrophied. Average height for men dropped from 5’ 10” to 5’ 6” and women likewise lost a couple inches. Humans from farming societies did not regain their Neolithic heights until the twentieth century (3). It was as if many of the beneficial evolutionary adaptations that humans acquired through tens of thousands of years of migration, hunting and gathering were being lost as they moved towards the living strategies and diets of farming. The human cultural paradigm had shifted quickly, and biology had to play
catch up.

Many of the traits that lead to humans to being able to tramp all over the earth and dominate the food chain became less pertinent in the climate of the walled in settler, and many of these attributes began being weeded out of the gene pool as a demand for new traits grew to suit the change in living strategy. Aggression began to wane and long term planning skills began to rise, muscle tone decreased and disease resistance grew, physical endurance decreased a couple notches as humans became physically as well as culturally civilized (4). The creation of a genetic sequence known as LCT soon allowed a select group of humans between the Baltic and Caspian seas to digest milk, and people thus found a new source of portable nutrition (1). To contradict a depletion in vitamin D, it is thought that lighter skin tones were selected to better enable the synthesis of this vitamin in the skin (5). Many new diseases were introduced and spread through humans living in closer quarters and permanent dwellings, and thus new resistance to these diseases were passed through the human genetic code of the farming cultures. New findings by scientists such as Gregory Cochran and Henry Harpending show that agriculture and sedentarization rapidly sped up the rate upon which the human genome successfully mutated as humanity biologically adapted to meet the demands of their new living and dietary strategies.

Järeldus

The archaeologist, Klaus Schmidt

The people who built and worshiped at Göbekli Tepe were initially nomadic hunters who knew neither grain nor how to sow it, but they began to change the world around them, and eventually set the stage for the infectious spread of civilization over the planet. In a period spanning roughly a thousand years, the mechanisms where put in place through which the plains and plateaus that surround Göbekli Tepe were transformed from forest to field. I went to Göbekli Tepe, stood on the mound and looked out across an expanse that was once a lush forest full of game, herbs, shrubs, and sustenance for hunter-gatherers. That same expanse is now looks beat, having been set upon for thousands of years by goat, sheep, and plow. A lone tree sits on top of Göbekli Tepe, seemingly reminding us of a lost era in human history, a lost sense of innocence before man moved on to control the ebbs and flows of nature, of a time before my species laid down their satchels and spears and picked up hoes and plows.

The modern human is not completely the same animal as was our migratory hunter-gatherer ancestors, and I soon realized that my search for my species’ lost nomadic roots just lead me into a study of people who had a physical and mental makeup that was slightly different than my own. I am the product of 10,000 years of super charged genetic adaption which was suppose to equip me to be a part of a sedentary, agricultural, civilized society. My biology is that of Cain the farmer not Abel the nomad, but I know that the restlessness of the nomad still lives inside of the modern human, as the wolf still lives inside of every dog.


Göbekli Tepe is a name familiar to anyone interested in the ancient history and mysteries. Billed as the oldest stone temple in the world, it is composed of a series of megalithic structures containing rings of beautifully carved T-shaped pillars. It sits on a mountain ridge in southeast Anatolia, Kurdistan 13 kilometers from the ancient city of Ruha (today Urfa), close to the traditional site of the Garden of Eden. For the past ten thousand years, its secrets have remained hidden beneath an artificial, belly-shaped mound of earth some 300 m by 200 meters in size. Agriculture and animal husbandry were barely known when Göbekli Tepe was built, and roaming the fertile landscape of southwest Asia were, we are told, primitive hunter-gatherers, whose sole existence revolved around survival on a day-to-day basis. In this video we will try to answer the various questions that have been left unanswered since its discovery. Who created Gobekli Tepe, and why? More importantly, why did its builders bury their creation at the end of its useful life? In attempt to answer these questions, we are inspired by the book entitled, Göbekli Tepe: Genesis of the Gods.

Göbekli Tepe is a name familiar to anyone interested in the ancient history and mysteries. Billed as the oldest stone temple in the world, it is composed of a series of megalithic structures containing rings of beautifully carved T-shaped pillars.

It sits on a mountain ridge in southeast Anatolia, Kurdistan, just 13 kilometers from the antiques city of Ruha (today Urfa), close to the traditional site of the Garden of Eden.

For the past ten years, its secrets have remained hidden beneath an artificial, belly-shaped mound of each some 300 m by 200 meters in size.

Agriculture and animal husbandry were barely known when Göbekli Tepe was built, and roaming the fertile landscape of southwest Asia were primitive hunter-gatherers, whose sole existence revolved around survival on a day-to-day basis.

We will try to answer various questions that have been left unswered since its discovery. Who created Göbekli Tepe, and why? More importantly, why did its builders bury their creation at the end of its Useful Life?

In attempt to answer these questions, we are inspired by the book entitled, Göbekli Tepe: Genesis of the Gods.

In this book there are compelling evidence that the myths of the Watchers of the book of Enoch and the Anunnaki of Mesopotamian myth and legend are memories of the Göbekli Tepe builders and their impact on the rise of civilization.

It is also believe that Göbekli Tepe was constructed by a hunter-gatherer population still in fear following a devastating cataclysm that nearly destroyed the world.

A comet impact that science today recognizes as having taken place around 12 900 years ago, with terrifying aftershocks that lasted several hundered years afterward.

Yet it seems unlikely that those who came up with a plan to counter the innate fear of another cataclysm were the indigenous population.

This appears to have been orchestrated by members of an incominmg culture, composed of groups of shamans, warriors, hunters and stone tool specialists of immense power and charisma.

Their territories, across which they traded diffrent forms of flint, as well as hematite, used as red ochre, streached from the Carpathians in the west to the Russian steppes and plain in the easts.

More incredibly, anatomical evidence points to them being of striking appearance - tall, with extremely long heads, high cheekbones, long faces, large jaws, and strong brow ridges, which some have seen as evidence they were Neanderthal human hybrids.

The answer lies in the rise of the Swiderians whose mining operations in Poland"s Swietokrzyskie (Holy Cross) Mountains are among the earliest evidence of organized mining activities anywhere in the world.

These advanced society, who thrived in both Central and Eastern Europe around the time of the comet impact event of 10 900 BC was responsible for the foundation of various important post-Swiderians cultures of the Mesoliyhic age as far north as Norway, Finland and Sweden, as far south as the Caoucasus Mountains and as far east as the Upper Volga river of Central Russia.

The Swiderians' higly advanced culture, which included a sophisticated stone tool technology, was derived from their distant ancestors, the Eastern Gravettian peoples that thrived between 30 000 and 19 000 BC in what is today the Czech Republic and further east on the Russian Plain.

In around 10 500 BC It's believe that Swiderians groups moved south from the East European Plain into eastern Anatolia.

Here they gained control of the regional trade in the black volcanic glass known as obsidian at places like Bingol Mountain in the Kurdistan Highlands and Nemrut Mountain an extict volcano to the shores of the Lake Wan Anatolia's largest inland sea.

This brought them into contact with the communities who would later be responsible for the construction of Göbeli Tepe around 9500-9000 BC.

Everything suggests the Swiderians possessed a sophisticated cosmoloy gained in the part from their cousins the Solutreans of Central and Western Europe, who were themselves related to the Eastern Gravettian peoples.

They believed in a cosmic tree supporting the sky world entered via the Great Rift-the fork or split in the Milky Way caused by the presence of stellar dust and debris - corresponding to the position in the northern heavens occupied by the stars of Cygnus, the celestial swan (a. k. a. the Northern Cross).

The Swiderians believed also that birds were symbols of the astral flight, and that this was the manner in which the shaman could reach the sky world.

In Europe the bird most commonly associated with these beliefs and practices was the swan, while in Southwest Asia it was the vulture, a primary symbol of death and transformation in the early Neolithic age.

Both birds are identified with the Cygnus constellation.

Using this guise the shaman could enter the sky world and counter the actions of the supernatural creature seen as responsible for cataclysms like the comet impact of 10 900 BC, referred to by scientists today as the Younger Dryas Boundary (YDB) event.

This cosmic trickster was seen to take the form of a sky fox or sky wolf, embodied perhaps in the leping foxes carved in relief on the inner faces of key pillars at Göbekli Tepe, and remembered also as the Fenris-wolf responsible for causing Ragnorak, a major cataclysm preserved in Norse mythology.

Also accross Europé, and into Southwest Asia, accounts exist of supernatural foxes and wolfes that have attempted to endanger the sky pillar supporting the starry canopy, an act that if achieved would have brought about the destruction of the world.

Someone realized that only by allaying people&rsquos fears regarding the immense potency of the cosmic trickster could stability be truly restored to the world.

And whenever this supernatural creature returned to the heavens in the guise of a comet-seen as a visible manifestation of the sky fox or sky wolf &ndash it would be the shaman&rsquos role to enter the sky world and counter its baleful influence, as primary motivation that is believe to be behind the construction of the Göbekli Tepe.

Yet there where clearly other reasons for the construction of Göbekli Tepe.

Its stone enclosures served, most likely, as womb chambers, places where the shaman entered into a primal state after passing between the enclosures&rsquo twin central pillars.

These enoormous monoliths, sometimes 5.5 meters in height, and weighing as much as 15 metric tonnes a piece, acted as otherworldly portals to invisible realms.

This could be considered true star gates in every sense of the word.

And their target: the setting down on the local horizon of Deneb. Cygnus&rsquos brightest star, which marked the start of the Mily Ways&rsquos Great Rift, a played by Deneb as early as 16 500 &ndash 14 000 BC

At this time Deneb acted as Pole Star, the star closest to the celestial pole during any particular epoch.

Even after Deneb ceased to be Pole Star around 14 000 BC, due to the effects of precession (the slow wobble of the earth&rsquos exis scros a cycle of approximately 20 000 years), its place was taken by another Cygans star, Delta Cygni, which held the position until around 13 000 BC.

After this time the role of Pole Star went to Vega in the constellation of Lyra, the celestial lyre. When arround 11 000 BC Vega moved out of range of the celestial pole, no bright star replaced it for several thousand years.

This means that when Göbekli Tepe was constructed, about 9500-9000 BC, there was no Pole Star.

It was for this reason that Deneb, and the Milky Ways&rsquos Great Rift, retained their significance as the main point of entry to the sky world, making it the primary destination of the shaman.

Standing walls erected in the north-northwestern section of the walls in two key enclosures at Göbekli Tepe bore large holes that framed the setting of Deneb each night, highlighting the star&rsquos significanse to the Göbekli Tepe builders, and showing the precise direction in which the shaman should access the sky world.

Do they have cosmic knowledge? Everywhere you look at Göbekli Tepe there is confirmation that it builders shared a sense of connection with the cosmos.

From the strange glyphs and ideograms on the varrious stones, which include symbols resembling the letters C and H to the twelvfold division of stones in the various enclousres&rsquo there is powerful evidence that these 11 000-years-old tempel resonate the influence of the celestial heavens.

The H glyphs seem to relate to the shaman&rsquos journey from this world to the otherworld, while the C glyps are almost certainly slim lunar crescents signifying transtion from one lunar cycle to the next.

Even the design of the enclosures appears to have cosmic significance. Invariably the structures are ovoid in shape with a length to breadth ratio of 5.4 numbers that could hint at the Göbekli Tepe builders&rsquo profound awareness or cosmic time cycle not usualy thought to have been understood until the age of Plato.

If Swiderians group were the shamanic elite responsible for Göbekli Tepe, then there is every chance that the cosmic knowledge encoded into its construction came, at least in part, from highly envolved individuals who were by nature Neanderthal-human hybrids of striking pyhsical appearance.

These people were most likely the product of interactions between Neanderthals and Anatomically Modern Humans at the dawn of the Upper Paleolithic age, c. 40 000-30 000 BC.

This is a very exciting realization that tells us that we might well have underestimated the dynamic polency of hybridization in the formative years of human history.

Over a period of around 1500 years twenty or more major enclosures were constructed within the gradualy emerging occupational mound of Göbekli Tepe.

Old enclosures were periodically decommissioned, deconsecrated and covered over, quite literaly &rdquokilled&rdquo. At the end of their usefull lifes.

New structures were built to replace them, but as time went on they became much smaller in construction, until eventually the cell-like buildings were to larger than a familly sized Jacuzzi with pillars no more than five feet.

Somehow the world had changed, and the impetus for creating gigantic stone temples with enourmous twin monoliths at their centers was no longer there. Cygnus constellation.

It was a concept dimly remembered in the name Göbekli Tepe, which means navel-like hill.

Even after Göbekli Tepe was abandoned, its memory, and those of the ruling elite its construction, lingered on among the Halaf and Ubaid peoples who floorished during the latter half of the Neolithic age c. 6000-4100 BC.

Like their predecessors, they gained control of the all-important obsidian trade at places such as Bingöl Mountain and Nemrud Dag, close to Lake Wan.

Their elites who would appear to have belonged to specific family groups, artificially deformed their already elongated heads, not only to denote their status in society, but also quite possibly to mimic the perceived appealeance or great ancestors, seen to have possessed extremely long heads and faces.

It is very possible that these great encestors are perhaps represented by the snake-or reptilian-headed clay figures found in several Ubaid cemeteries.

What in your view do you think was responsible for the building of Göbekli Tepe?


MÄRKUSED:
______

*) The päris name of Göbekli Tepe is Girê Navoke (Navel-like hill in Kurdish). Since this hill concidered by inhabitants living arround the hill to be a holy site it's also called Girê Miradan (which means Hill of Whishes). The villagers called the place Khirabreshk too, it means the Black Ruins. But the Turks who trying to turkify Kurdish people and their country Kurdistan, changed the name of this place to Göbekli Tepe in 1930'ies.

[turkish: Çatal Höyük, loan from Kurdish Language]

GIR "tumulus" + ÇETEL "fork" was a very large Neolithic and Chalcolithic proto-city settlement in southern Anatolia, (Obs NOT Turkey)
which existed from approximately 7100 BC to 5700 BC, and flourished around 7000 BC.

They used to enter the first housings with the help of a ladder from the roof so as not to let in wild animals.

They used to enter the first housings with the help of a ladder from the roof so as not to let in wild animals.

They used to enter the first housings with the help of a ladder from the roof so as not to let in wild animals.


Vaata videot: Forbidden Archaeology Documentary 2018 Ancient Ruins That Defy Mainstream History (Mai 2022).


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